Bearing Witness

End Australian Support for the Illegal Blockade of Gaza

Dear Prime Minister,

In early November 2011, we wrote to your Government demanding
immediate action, to:
1. Pressure the Israeli government to unconditionally release and
facilitate the safe return of Michael Coleman and all political
prisoners.
2. Demand the release of the Tahrir and Saoirse along with all
personal property, as well as compensation for damages incurred by the
act of piracy that the Israeli government committed on the high seas.
3. Ensure that Israel ends its illegal blockade of Gaza to enable
freedom of movement for people and goods.”

Five days after the Tahrir was attacked in international waters and
Michael, all other passengers and crew were abducted, he was released
and ‘deported’ to Australia via Bangkok and Melbourne.

On 28 November 2011 we received a woefully inadequate response from
Samuel Allen (Acting Director, Levant and Iran Section) of the
Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in which no answers were
provided to our principal demands for action.

The Australian Government’s response to the act of piracy committed by
the Israeli Government against the unarmed flotilla that Michael
Coleman was aboard has been pitiful.

Your regurgitated comments about practical support and partnership
agreements are mealy-mouthed apologies, which are grossly inadequate
and disproportionate for the Palestinian people whose land has been
stolen from them by the actions of the ever-expanding Apartheid
Israeli ‘state’.

Providing drip feed of ‘aid’ is not the solution to the plight of the
Palestinians and the injustices they experience in Palestine and in
forced exile. Your ‘travel advice’ that Australians should not attempt
to travel to Gaza by sea is cowardly. The Australian Government should
be working with other countries to aid the people of Gaza who demand
an end to the blockade and with it their ability move and trade
freely.

All governments, including yours, must hold Israel accountable for its
defiance of international law with regards to the ongoing collective
punishment of more than 1,600,000 Palestinians in Gaza, half of whom
are under the age of 16 in what is effectively the world’s largest
open air prison.

Instead you persist in platitudes to the Israeli Government and
business interests who continue to make their money from the theft of
Palestinian lands. Indeed we found your recent attendance at and
speech to the Australia Israel Chamber of Commerce extremely offensive
when Palestinian people are denied freedom of movement and trade.

We contrast your Government’s actions with the visit to Gaza last
month by Deputy Prime Minister Eamon Gilmore from the Irish Republic
and his statement demanding an end to the blockade.

It is because of the continuing inaction of governments, including the
Australian Government that ordinary people feel compelled to act.

When our delegate sailed to Gaza, he did so in the firm belief that
the blockade of Gaza by the Israeli Government is illegal and inhumane
and should end without delay. In this appraisal we believe that we
have the support of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the
UN Human Rights Council, the International Committee of the Red Cross,
and numerous other human rights organisations.
We consider that our assets – the Tahrir, of which we hold a one-tenth
share, medical aid we were transporting to give to the people of Gaza
and our personal belongings including a satellite telephone have been
confiscated illegally by the Israeli Government.

We urge you to actively support our demand that the Israeli Government
reloads our medical supplies and our personal belongings and other
assets onto our boat and allow us to sail it to Gaza without delay.

We look forward to hearing back from you soon with a considered,
positive reply that repositions Australia on the right side of history
and international law, and alongside the overwhelming majority of
countries in the world who will not support the systematic abuse of
Palestinian people and their human rights.

Yours sincerely,

James Godfrey
for
Free Gaza Australia

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February 16, 2012 Posted by | Media | , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Co-existence vs. Co-resistance: A case against normalization

This article by Omar Rahman makes one of the best cases against normalizing relations between Palestinians and Israeli’s under current circumstances I have ever read. It was first published on Tuesday, January 3 2012 in +972 Magazine

In his recent post on “normalization,” my colleague Aziz Abu Sarah was right about one thing, the topic is reaching a fever pitch within Palestinian society. What Aziz gets wrong is the logic of anti-normalization as he attempts to paint it as some form of unjustifiable reactionism, ignoring its most cogent and compelling arguments. In truth, projects that constitute “normalization” promote a false image of parity between the conflicting sides and foster a dangerous psychology within the minds of the oppressor that stifles progress towards a just resolution of the conflict.

Although the “anti-normalization” debate has been around a long time, its resurgence in public discourse can likely be attributed to two things: the rise of the BDS (boycott, divestment, sanctions) movement and the beginning of a transitional period in internal Palestinian politics.

Due to the very nature of the BDS movement, everything pertaining to Israel is put under the microscope and scrutinized. Subsequently, any relationship between Palestinians and Israelis is done so in spades. BDS encourages its adherents to look critically at everything they do and everything that is happening around them. It is important to distinguish what works in the service of achieving Palestinian rights and what does not, or even works against it. This is why the BDS movement has produced strict and coherent guidelines for what can be considered worthy of boycott and what constitutes normalization.

Secondly, the era in which Palestinians and Israelis engaged in dialogue under the wider auspices and example of governmental-led negotiations is coming to an end—at least for the time being. We are now at the cusp of a transitional period in Palestinian politics where the lack of a clear strategy and path forward on the diplomatic and resistance fronts is forcing Palestinians to look internally at the state of their own society and political situation. Reconciliation and reform within their fractured political system are desperately needed in order to move cohesively in a new direction. Thus many Palestinians have started to re-examine the logic of their relationships with Israelis and criticize those Palestinians who have benefited immensely from it over the years while others around them have suffered.

When we consider the resurgence of anti-normalization, we must also remember that the post-Oslo period witnessed an explosion in normalization programs and projects between Israelis and Palestinians. Any organization, group or program that had “joint” or “co-existence” in reference to Israelis and Palestinians was instantly given credibility and financing on the world stage. Such programs became extremely lucrative and many people profited with little regard to the actual state of the conflict and its overall deterioration. Even prior to the breakout of the Second Intifada, but largely afterwards, normalization programs lost their relevance. We were no longer in the post-conflict transitional period we thought Oslo had ushered in, and things got worse, not better.

FEELING COMFORTABLE WITH OPPRESSION

It has become senseless for Israelis and Palestinians to act like nothing is wrong with the status quo and carry-on with such projects. Normalization may be fine for those bridging the gaps between people in India and Pakistan or Venezuela and Colombia—where the two sides are on equal footing—but not in Israel/Palestine where one side lives under the yoke and chain of the other. When we seek to normalize this relationship by giving each other equal standing and equal voice, we project an image of symmetry. Joint sports teams and theatre groups, hosting an Israeli orchestra in Ramallah or Nablus, all these things create a false sense of normality, like the issue is only a problem of recognizing each other as human beings. This, however, ignores the ongoing oppression, colonization, and denial of rights, committed by one side against the other.

Moreover, normalization creates a false sense in the mind of Israelis that they are working for peace, while in actuality, though maybe unwittingly, they are contributing to the calcification of the status quo. Their energy is misdirected away from root causes and channeled into making the current situation more tolerable—largely for themselves—by helping them to cope with wider injustices occurring in their name. Many Israelis who participate in normalization projects believe that they are detached, that they are not part of the problem, because they have some Palestinian friends or colleagues, even if they are doing nothing to rectify the actual injustices that have been committed by their society daily for over half a century. In the words of Israeli architectural theorist Eyal Weizman in his monumental work on the architecture of occupation, Hollow Land: “The history of the occupation is full of liberal ‘men of peace’ who are responsible for, or who at least sweeten, the injustice committed by the occupation. The occupation would not have been possible without them.”

Likewise, these normalization projects are put on display for all the world to see, so that they may all feel comfortable and say: look, the moderates are resolving the differences in a civilized manner. This is probably why the largest contributors to normalization projects are not Israelis and Palestinians themselves, but rather the international community. These programs work in much the same way as endless negotiations, offering a semblance of progress so that the world may deceive itself without having to take real action.

I do not discount the authenticity of Israelis who desire to see a just peace. Nor do I overlook the importance of meeting your enemy on a human level, of the power of these efforts in defusing tension, mistrust, and misunderstanding. But we can’t ignore the negative impact of normalization given the ongoing occupation and colonial enterprise. We must ask ourselves, what did all the normalizing get Palestinians after Oslo except for deterioration in their circumstance? For all the money pumped into these programs why are there no statistics or data showing they work? Why does no one think to question the effectiveness of normalization, including its proponents, in the case of Mr. Abu Sarah’s article? We can sit back and comfort each other that we are not fanatics or extremists, and that may be all well and good, but the fanatics are determining the reality on the ground while liberals and moderates provide a veneer of normality and progress.

The truth is when we “normalize” relations with Israel and Israelis without bearing to the political situation, we legitimize Israel despite its continued oppression of Palestinians and its colonial policies on Palestinian land. We must remember that the greatest boon in Israeli history came after the Oslo Accords were signed. Many countries around the world that had refused to have “normal” relations with Israel reversed their policies. This false peace opened Israel up to the wider international community, spurring unprecedented growth and trade. By reversing the normalization trend, we strip the conflict of many illusions and niceties in favor of exposing the raw truth.

Mr. Abu Sarah portrays anti-normalization like it is based purely on hate for the “other.” In order to do this he ignores the strongest arguments against normalization in exchange for obscure notions that take anti-normalization to the extreme; such as any instance in which a Palestinian and an Israeli come together constitutes normalization. In my own experience meeting people who are against normalization, I came to understand that Israelis are valued and encouraged to take part in the resistance movement to occupation. As long as an Israeli is working for Palestinian rights and the end to occupation, the cooperation between Israelis and Palestinians is perfectly legitimate and justified. This is the concept of “co-resistance” as opposed to “co-existence,” and should hardly be described as radical.

Yet, Mr. Abu Sarah’s article chooses to harp on these extreme cases at the expense of a serious argument over the topic. In what constituted an extensive blog post, there is little argument discussing why normalization activities are valid and beneficial; rather the entire piece is devoted to portraying anti-normalization as irrational. Some of his claims are true, such as those who use “normalization” as a character attack for dubious ends. But none of that still gets to the heart of the matter. I simply want to know, are we better off today because of normalization projects?

THE KIDS RETURN HOME

I wish to conclude this piece with an example of normalization from my own history. When I was fifteen years old, I was a participant in the Seeds of Peace program, which brings young teenagers from conflict zones together to a summer camp in the northeastern United States. Although originally set up for Israelis and Arabs, the program expanded over the years to include Greek and Turkish Cypriots, Indians and Pakistanis, and others. In each session there was also a delegation of American teenagers, of which I was a part. This was still prior to the breakdown of the Oslo Accords and the outbreak of the Second Intifada and most believed we were on the path to peace. Teenagers, who for the most part had never met someone from the other side before, would tell stories from their own experience in the hope of making their enemy understand them. Yet, I can still remember feeling at the time that the effort would be somehow wasted when these kids returned home because even I knew that, despite pretenses, there was no real peace on the ground. During my trips to the West Bank to visit my extended family, I would see and feel the military presence that continued to persist in the still-occupied territories. And in the “co-existence” sessions at Seeds of Peace, I would hear from those Palestinians what life still held for them.

The most poignant moment for me, however, was when a Palestinian teenager near the end of the program asked an Israeli teenager if he would still join the army and serve in the occupied territories, to which the answer was “yes”. To me, this said it all. What did this whole program mean if in a few years that Israeli teenager would be sitting at a checkpoint in the West Bank and shoving his M-16 in the face of a Palestinian while asking for his ID? Would it make him a more compassionate soldier serving in an inherently unjust system? When all the fun and games were over, we each returned to our respective societies and things stayed the same.

If these teenagers had returned to a cold peace, it may have been different. They could continue to work to establish more friendly relations between their respective peoples. But for Palestinians and Israelis, they live everyday in a system of imbalance and injustice where one side is oppressing the other through an engineered structure of superiority and subjugation. That is it. Normalization can try to make you forget that fact, but the next time a gun barrel is pointed in your direction, or a cousin is arrested and thrown in prison, or the home of a neighbor is bulldozed, or your relatives in Gaza fall under the bombs, you will be hard pressed to do so.

February 7, 2012 Posted by | Media | , , , , | Leave a comment